Overview
In this article Kalki Dāsa examines how the ancient Silk Road and Indian Ocean trade networks facilitated the spread of Vedic ideas, sciences, and cultural practices across Asia. It highlights parallels between Indian and Chinese philosophy, the transmission of meditation traditions and astronomy, and the lasting influence of Vedic culture in China and Southeast Asia through trade, scholarship, and religious exchange.
Coined in the late 1800’s, the term ‘silk road’ refers to the network of overland trade routes which spanned Asia in ancient times. In addition to caravan roads, maritime shipping via Indian monsoon trade winds further connected the silk road to Arabia, the Mediterranean, and as far south as the Indonesian islands of Sumatra, Java, and Bali.
Many civilisation shaping ideas flowed along these ancient trade routes, percolated through India’s rich cultural lands, and her reputed universities — Nālanda, Takṣaśilā, and Vikramaśilā. As Greek philosophy, western religion, and mathematics all owe an enormous debt to India, so also, China’s ascent to power, and the flourishing cultures of Southeast Asia can be very much linked to the movement of Vedic culture via the silk road.
In the Indian epic, the Mahābhārata, descriptions are given of a powerful warrior culture originating beyond the Himalayan mountains to the northeast side of India known as the Cīnas. During the great war fought between the Pāṇḍavas and Kauravas, the Cīnas are listed amongst the foreign tribes who joined the side of the Kauravas. It’s also worth noting how the name China we use today actually draws its origins for the Sanskrit term Cīna as it was popularly used amongst Persian, and European traders. (1).
China’s world renown for silk cultivation really begins around 500 BCE at a pivotal moment in ancient history. At this time throughout Europe and Asia, innovations in metallurgy were allowing for the the widespread production of carbon steel for weapons and tools. Across the Middle East, the Achaemenid Persian Empire was laying down the infrastructure for a vast trans-Eurasian trade network to facilitate trade between Europe and the Far East. Meanwhile, in India, Siddhartha Gautama was spreading the Buddhist dharma.
After the collapse of the Zhou dynasty in the 7th century BCE, China was fragmented into seven feudal states in constant dispute over the region’s fertile plains, farms, and river systems. Plagued with civil wars, and endless corruption, rulers sought various solutions to law and order.
(The time defying sword of Goujian, China c. 500 BCE)
Some of the most important writings in Chinese history were produced during the Warring States period (575 BCE – 221 BCE). The philosopher Confucius wrote in his ‘Analects’ how a king can win the obedience of the people through virtue and moral decree. Sun Tzu’s ‘The Art of War’ showcases a military strategy which was geared at minimising expenditure, and excessive violence. Additionally, Taoist philosophers Lao Tzu and Zhuāngzǐ proposed the return to a balanced society, in harmony with the natural order known as the Dào.
It is interesting to examine the foremost text of Dàoism, the Dào Dé Jīng, alongside the political commentary of Cāṇakya Paṇḍita. Serving as the chief architect behind Candragupta Maurya’s empire (c. 350 BCE), Cāṇakya Paṇḍita is considered India’s foremost icon of political strategy. Considering the overlap between the Maurya Empire and the earliest composition of the Dào Dé Jīng, one could easily see how Cāṇakya’s administrative brilliance may have also been shining in China.
“The king shall make himself visible only when it benefits the people; otherwise he should remain unseen.” (Arthaśāstra 1.19.34)
“The best rulers are those who are barely seen by the people. When their work is done and their affairs accomplished, the people say: ‘We did it ourselves.’” (Dào Dé Jīng ch 17)
“In the happiness of his subjects lies the king’s happiness; in their welfare, his welfare.” (Arthaśāstra 1.19.34)
“The ruler has no fixed mind of his own; he takes the mind of the people as his mind.” (Dào Dé Jīng, ch 49)
“Law must be adapted to time, place, and circumstances; rigid application destroys justice.” (Arthaśāstra 2.10.24)
“When government is rigid, the people are broken. When government is flexible, the people flourish.” (Dào Dé Jīng, ch 58)
The Dào Dé Jīng also describes a process of effortless action known as wu wei, which somewhat resembles the karma-yoga mentioned in Bhagavad-gītā, (2).
“The sage dwells in non-action he creates, but does not possess; he acts, but does not rely on the action; he accomplishes his work without attachment; and after the work is done it remains.” (Dào Dé Jīng ch. 2)
“In this world, one who is self-satisfied neither gains by action, nor gains by inaction. Neither does he depend upon any other person. Therefore, continue to perform your prescribed duties perfectly without attachment to the results. By acting without attachment one attains the Absolute. (Bhagavad-gītā 3.18-19)
In the oldest Chinese manual on meditation, the Nèiyè, processes are given for stilling the mind and stabilising qì (chi, the vital force) within the body. (3). To this end, the Nèiyè recommends bodily postures (zuòwàng), breathing exercises (xī), withdrawal of the senses (xīn tuì), and meditation (xīn zhāi). The Nèiyè also identifies overindulgence, anger, and mental restlessness as elements that disturb qì, scatter one’s attention, and disrupt alignment with the Dào.
It is worth mentioning how the concept of qi (chi) described in the Nèiyè lines up closely with citta (the subtle energetic mental/emotional field) in yoga philosophy. Meditation techniques given in the Nèiyè also resemble five principal limbs of the yoga system known as āsana, prāṇāyāma, pratyāhāra, dhyāna, and dhārana. Other limbs such as yama, niyama, and samādhi have no seeming equivalent in Dàoism.
The Dàoist philosopher, Zhuāngzǐ (369–286 BCE) also discusses meditation, and highlights ambition, and self-assertion as further obstacles to Dào harmony. By commenting on the inherent wisdom of artisans, farmers, and tradespeople, Zhuāngzǐ’s writings legitimised their position over time, and helped to balance the different stratums of Chinese society. Following its unification under the Qin dynasty in 221 BCE, China discarded its broken feudal system for a stable government.
During the Hàn dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), Dàoist meditation practices became widely practiced in China. The first recognisable Chinese astronomical treatise, the Tiān Fú, dated to around 168 BCE, also appeared during the early years of the Hàn dynasty. The Tiān Fú features a star catalogue and a system of lunar mansions that are remarkably consistent with the nakṣatras and stellar symbolism found in Jyotiṣa (Vedic astrology). (4).
Early Chinese thought has many characteristics of Vedic culture – a system of ethics assigning value to different sections of society, a return to the natural self-ordering principle of reality (Dào), a process for regulating the mind and senses, and a detachment from worldly ambition and possessiveness. These seem to resemble the Vedic principles of dharma, artha, kāma, and mokṣa. Furthermore, Dàoist sciences such as astrology, Dàndào (medical alchemy), and Fēngshuǐ (habitat design) strongly suggest how China shared a broader body of knowledge with neighbouring India prior to the arrival of Buddhism.
*Dàndào and Fēngshuǐ correspond to Āyurvedic Rasāyana and Vāstu Śāstra, respectively, in Sanskrit terminology.
It is however necessary to make a distinction between Dàoist meditation and the yoga taught in Bhagavad-gītā. While the yoga system aims at self-realisation and transcendence, Dàoism is entirely non-theistic, and asserts no existence of consciousness prior to the formulation of the body. If Vedic wisdom was ever transmitted to Chinese rulers in ancient times, the instalment China received was indeed limited.
Nevertheless, Dàoism was hugely instrumental in reforming China after a prolonged era of strife, and laid the necessary substructure for Buddhism to take root in the first century CE.*
*The first Chinese Buddhist monastery was established in 68 CE after the arrival of the Indian monk Kāśyapa Mātaṅga
In 399 CE, the first documented Chinese monk, Fǎxiǎn, travelled to India. Fǎxiǎn visited the two famous learning centres Takṣaśilā and Nālandā, and moved liberally through northern India for fifteen years. In Fǎxiǎn’s travelogue of his journey, he gives an account of Indian society at that time.
“In my travels through Tianzhu (India), I noted that the people live in an atmosphere of sincerity, guided by the principles of dharma. They refrain from killing living beings, taking intoxication, and their society functions with little need for punishments or coercion. Merchants and villagers alike conduct their affairs with honesty, relying on mutual trust rather than seals or tallies, and no one would dare tell a lie. Everywhere I went, householders offered hospitality to monks, and charitable institutions provided medical care to the sick and poor without charge. Throughout the land, the people appear upright, gentle, and generous, their daily conduct reflecting a natural commitment to ethical living.” (Faxian, Foguo Ji)
During the early years of the 6th century CE, the Indian monk Bodhi-dharma* brought to China a simplified style of Buddhism known as Chán, later known as Zen Buddhism. Perhaps not surprisingly, the Chinese word Chán originally stems from the Sanskrit word dhyāna, meaning ‘meditation’. Over the next several centuries, Zen Buddhism spread to Korea, Vietnam, and Japan. Reaching its most publicly recognisable form in Japanese art, the aesthetic of Zen artwork became widespread in Asian culture.
*The legendary school of Shaolin martial arts attributes its origins to the monk Bodhi-dharma.
The most famous Buddhist monk to ever travel to India was Xuánzàng (629 CE). During the heavily restricted era of the Táng dynasty, Xuánzàng illegally crossed into India, moving on foot through the relentless Taklamakan Desert, and over the steep climbs of the Himalayan mountains. Xuánzàng studied for ten years at the university of Nālandā, and carried hundreds of Sanskrit texts with him back to China. Emperor Táng Tàizōng personally received Xuánzàng upon his re-entry to China in 645 CE and funded his translation efforts.
By Xuánzàng’s writings we can understand how the Chinese maintained a deep, reverential respect for India as a sacred land, and place of vast learning and wisdom. Chinese monks who later visited India were intensively trained in Vedic cultural customs, which included the abstinence of all unclean habits before monasteries permitted travel.*
*The Chinese monk Yìjìng (7th c. CE) identifies a preparatory centre in Sumatra, Indonesia (Śrīvijaya) where Chinese students were sent to learn Sanskrit and ritual etiquette before travelling to Nālandā.
In 2025, a study in North Central China revealed the genetic identity of an Indian brāhmaṇa named Li Dan who lived in India during the 6th century, and was likely one of many respected Indians who settled in China at this time. (5). Additional discoveries which showcase the existence of Vedic culture in China can be found in a carving of Narasiṁha, the half-man, half-lion avatāra of Lord Viṣṇu, and a granite relief depicting Elephant bathing a śiva- liṅgam (form of Lord Śiva).
(Granite relief carvings at Kaiyuan Temple (Quanzhou, Fujian) built 686 CE showing Vedic iconography—an elephant offering worship to a Śiva-liṅga and figures of Viṣṇu and Narasiṁha)
Following the death of Emperor Tàizōng in 649 CE, the empress Wǔ Zétiān rose to the throne of the Táng empire. Wǔ Zétiān imported dozens of Indian monks into China and brought Buddhism to the zenith of its cultural influence. The patronage of Wǔ Zétiān also introduced knowledge of Vedic sciences – such as astronomy, mathematics, medicine, and surgery – into China through prolific translation efforts and the expansion of court libraries. (6).
While patronage for Buddhism had all but dried up by the 7th century in India, China appeared as a beacon of hope for the religion’s new homeland. Soon after the collapse of the Roman Empire, India’s economy also began to shift toward China and the gold-rich lands of Southeast Asia.
Much like China, foundations of Vedic culture were already present in Southeast Asia long before Buddhism arrived. The seafaring culture known as the Kaliṅgas of Odisha* controlled the Bay of Bengal trading ports for thousands of years before the Pallavas or Cholas began to flourish. Said to have originally descended from the Daitya king Bali, the Kaliṅgas were also counted among the troops of the Kaurava army during the Mahābhārata War.
*The Jagannātha Mandira was constructed by Kaliṅga śilpins (Odishan master temple builders)
*Today, each year in South India, Odishans celebrate ‘Bali yatra’ in honour of the Kalingas’ ancient voyages to the Indonesian islands.
The Kaliṅgas left their fingerprint throughout Southeast Asia in the form of megalithic architecture and ritual symbolism. A shamanistic culture, the Kaliṅgas worshipped Lord Śiva along with various goddesses of nature, and also made offerings to ancestors and spirits. As the Kaliṅgas mixed with indigenous populations, they disseminated elements of Vedic culture throughout Southeast Asia. (7).
One of the most notable examples of Vedic culture in Southeast Asia comes from an inscription made by Chinese envoys in 200 CE from the port city of Funan. Discovered in modern day Southern Vietnam, the Kauṇḍinya inscription announces the union of a brāhmaṇa and a Nāga princess,
“It was here that Kauṇḍinya, the foremost among brāhmaṇas, planted the spear he had obtained from Aśvatthāma*. There was a Nāga-king’s daughter called Somā taken as wife by the excellent brāhmaṇa Kauṇḍinya…” (Funan Chinese inscription)
*Aśvatthāmā was the son of Droṇācārya, the military teacher of the Pāṇḍavas and Kauravas. After committing grievous acts at the end of the Mahābhārata war, he was cursed to wander the earth until the end of the age, bearing the weight of his deeds.
The Nāga epitaph assigned to the princess may also bring to memory a great exodus of tribes recorded in the Vedic literature. During the time of Mahāraja Janamejaya, the Mahābhārata tells how the Nāga culture fled from ancient India to escape the wrath of King Janamejaya after finding his father killed by the Nāga king Takṣaka.*
*Serpent totem cultures of the Mekong Delta (Cambodia/Vietnam), Myanmar, Thailand, and China all date back over five-thousand years, and represent one of the earliest known ritual traditions in Asian history.
Situated at the base of the Mekong River Delta, Funan was a critical trade link between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. During the era of Roman trade, thousands of sailors arrived in Funan each year to receive luxury aromatic goods from Southeast Asia, and silk textiles from inland China. As merchant ships remained docked in Funan for months at a time, settlements along the Mekong Delta accumulated massive wealth in the form of Roman gold and silver. In time, the two powerful dynasties known as the Khmer and Champa emerged from the region.
One of the most significant ritual sites along the Mekong Delta is the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary (4th century CE) dedicated to Bhadreśvara, Lord Śiva. The distinct mud brick, mortarless construction of Mỹ Sơn’s temple and garden complex showcases the ancient Champa building style, built in perfect alignment with the principles of Vastu Śāstra (Vedic archaeoastronomy).
By the early 4th century CE, Asia’s maritime economy began to transition along with the lucrative prospect of merchant guilds. Artisans, śilpīs (masons), and sailors throughout Asia collaborated in the costs of shipbuilding, fixed measurements and pricing, and exchanged trade-specific knowledge. At this time Vedic temples began to function as financial institutions for the booming maritime economy.
Mining in the Malaya peninsula and Sumatra served a fresh flow of gold into the market. Much like Singapore in modern times, the Srivijaya empire* took advantage of its geographical position along the Malacca straight (passage between the Malaya peninsula and Sumatra) and emerged as the most dominant power in Southeast Asia.
*During the time of the Srivijaya Empire, the Malaya Peninsula and Indonesia were named Suvarṇabhūmi, and Suvarṇadvīpa in tribute of the lands of gold referred to in the Vedic literature, Ramāyana.
Seeking to capitalise on the new regional economy, dynasties such as the Pallavas of South India, the Khmer, Champa, and the Śrīvijaya all began to sponsor merchant guilds. In exchange for commodities and services, states provided guilds with naval protection against piracy, exclusive port access, and financing for shipbuilding. (8).
By the 8th century over five hundred major stone temples were constructed throughout South India and Southeast Asia. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary in Vietnam, Mahabalipuram in South India, and Borobudur in Java all stand as testaments to the tremendous potential of guild collaboration.
Being the trade network’s central hub, the Śrīvijaya Empire held significant influence over the rest of Southeast Asia. Royal courts of Śrīvijaya regularly sent envoys to Nālandā University in India and imported thousands of Sanskrit texts to vihāras (monasteries) in Indonesia. As a result, Sanskrit standardisation, Vedic cosmology, and Nāṭya Śāstra (classical Vedic art and dance) performances became widespread across Southeast Asia. (9).
Drawing from references in Vedic literatures, Khmer kings adopted the name Kambuja (later to become Cambodia) to legitimise their civilisation’s connection to greater Bhārata. Champa kings also adopted the appellation ‘Varmā’* to identify their kṣatriya lineage, while Khmer kings renamed rivers as Gaṅga, Yamunā, and Sarasvatī to sanctify their ritual complexes. Some researchers have even connect the name of the major Khmer river, Mekong, to the Ganges, sometimes referred to as ‘Mā Gaṅga’.
*In the varṇāśrama system, the names Śarmā, Varmā, and Gupta denote brāhmaṇas, kṣatriyas, and vaiśyas, respectively.
In 1113 CE, the Khmer king Suryavarman II began construction of Angkor Wat in Cambodia. Nearly four times the size of the Vatican City, the Angkor Wat complex is the largest religious monument ever built. Dedicated to Lord Viṣṇu, Angkor Wat is a three dimensional map of the cosmos (maṇḍala), and features eight-hundred metres of carved reliefs depicting scenes from Mahābhārata, Ramāyaṇa, and the Purāṇas.
In terms of architecture, it is difficult to ignore the many similarities between monuments in Southeast Asia and the far away lands of Central and South America. In particular, many Mayan pyramids of Mexico look just like Khmer temples in Cambodia. The polygonal masonry found in Peru is also strikingly akin to the forts of the Indian Vijayanagar Empire, and other structures found throughout Southeast Asia. Although situated on opposite ends of the globe, Mayan cosmology and archaeoastronomy also bares an uncanny correspondence with ancient Vedic knowledge. (10).
(From left to right: Baksei Camkrong, Cambodia; Tikal Temple II (Temple of the Jaguar), Mexico; Prasat Thom, Cambodia.)
(From left to right: Veḷḷūr Kōṭṭai (Vellore Fort), India; Edo-jō, Japan; Qorikancha (Coricancha), Peru.)
While conventional archaeology maintains that these cultures must have arrived at a sort of a convergent evolution of technology, could it be that Indian Ocean sailors transmitted the Śilpa Śāstra and other branches of knowledge in the distant past?
When we consider the extent of influence Vedic knowledge has had on the world, it is reasonable to propose ancient India as the original cradle of civilisation. India was indeed the first culture to develop advanced metallurgical science, surgical arts, and carries the legacy of being the undisputed leader of maritime trade. Putting down the abacus, the Chinese adopted the decimal system, astronomy, medicine, and Buddhism from India. Following suit, the Khmer, Cham, and Śrīvijaya cultures all standardised the Sanskrit language in their cultures, and dedicated the world’s most intricate and elaborate temples to Vedic divinities.
What is perhaps most wonderful, is how Vedic culture spread so far outside of India, without the need for colonisation or force. It simply flowed along the silk road, waiting to be picked up by a qualified recipient, at the proper moment.
Today China claims to be rebuilding the silk road, but it is already well established. This modern silk road spans cargo shipment routes, aviation corridors, and highways across the globe. We see its veins and ventricles coursing through cyberspace, and into the microprocessors of our devices. Surely the Vedic wisdom is still flowing along this ‘silicon’ road, but like those travellers who came before us, we must be earnest and determined to pursue it.
Notes:
- Laufer, Berthold. “The Name China.” T’oung Pao, vol. 13, 1912, pp. 719–726.
- Mair, Victor H. “Introduction.” Tao Te Ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way. Bantam Books, 1990, pp. 142-145 (Tao Te Ching’s link to Bhagavad Gita)
- Roth, Harold D. Original Tao: Inward Training (Nèiyè) and the Foundations of Taoist Mysticism. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.
- Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 3: Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth. Cambridge U Press, 1959.
- Mehra, Sakshi. “6th-Century Brahmin Who Took Buddhism to China—His DNA Analysis Rewrites Silk Road History.” ThePrint, 9 Nov. 2025.
- Dalrymple, William. “The Fifth Concubine.” The Golden Road: How Ancient India Transformed the World. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2024.
- Ray, Himanshu Prabha. The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia. Cambridge University Press, 2003
- Mukund, Kanakalatha. The Trading World of the Tamil Merchant: Evolution of Merchant Capitalism in the Coromandel. Orient Longman, 1999.
- Sen, Tansen. Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600– 1400. University of Hawai‘i Press, 2003.
- Kelley, David H., and Eugene F. Milone. Exploring Ancient Skies: An Encyclopedic Survey of Archaeoastronomy. Springer, 2011.
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